More than half of all U.S. presidents have Irish ancestry, while only three of the 45 presidents to date have or had German roots. These three—whose ancestors all came from the Electoral Palatinate, one of the main sources of German emigration to the U.S.—had little to no close connection with their ancestral homeland.
Over the past centuries, millions of Germans emigrated to the United States for economic and religious reasons. By the early 21st century, German-Americans had become the largest self-reported ancestry group in the U.S., with approximately 43 million descendants—about 17% of the total population. In 24 states, German-Americans made up the majority.
German immigration to America began in 1608 with the arrival of the first Germans in Virginia. However, it wasn’t until the late 17th century that significant waves of German immigrants began, peaking in the 1880s with around 1.5 million Germans arriving in that decade alone.
One pivotal moment in this migration came on October 6, 1683, when 13 families—known as the «Original 13»—arrived in Pennsylvania, marking the first substantial wave of German settlers. Their journey began in July of that year in Germany, with the group sailing from England aboard the Concordia. They landed in Philadelphia and later founded Germantown, a community established on nine square miles of land they had been granted in exchange for settling the area.
The success of the Original 13 encouraged more Germans to take the risk of starting anew in America. Over the next two centuries, large-scale German immigration continued. Many Germans, including Quakers, Mennonites, and later Amish, became part of Pennsylvania’s cultural fabric. By the 19th century, factors like unemployment and population growth in Germany fueled further waves of emigration, with German immigrants settling in states like Pennsylvania, Ohio, Wisconsin, Texas, and California.
Germans integrated into American society relatively quickly, aided by their high rates of literacy and vocational skills—an advantage gained from Germany’s robust public education system. These skills helped them learn English, find better-paying jobs, and contribute to the American economy. The printing industry, especially, thrived thanks to German-Americans, who brought with them a strong tradition in publishing.
German-Americans also made lasting contributions to American culture. They introduced several iconic elements, such as Christmas trees, Santa Claus, the Easter Bunny, pretzels, hot dogs, hamburgers, and lager beer.
Notable German-Americans have also shaped the political landscape. Carl Schurz, a prominent German-American, served as a Union general during the Civil War, became the first German-born U.S. Senator, and was appointed Secretary of the Interior under President Rutherford Hayes. Schurz’s wife, Margarethe, made her own lasting impact by opening the first kindergarten in the U.S., introducing the German word and concept to American society.
Herbert Clark Hoover (1929-1933)
The first U.S. president with German roots was Herbert Clark Hoover. His paternal lineage can be traced back to Andreas Huber, born on January 23, 1723, in Ellerstadt near Bad Dürkheim, Germany. In 1745, Andreas married Anna Margaretha Pfautz from Rohrbach near Sinsheim. Shortly thereafter, the couple emigrated to Randolph, North Carolina.
Hoover later recalled a happy and idyllic childhood. The Hoover family of five lived in a modest three-room house on the banks of Wapsinonoc Creek. Securely established in their small Quaker village in the heart of fertile farmland, they looked optimistically toward the future. However, disaster struck when both parents died before Hoover reached the age of nine, and the three children were taken in by relatives.
Young Bert went to live with a maternal uncle in Newberg, Oregon, where he attended Friends’ Pacific Academy and worked as an office boy for a real estate company. Although his uncle hoped he would attend a Quaker college, Hoover instead took the entrance exams for the newly established Stanford University, becoming a member of its first class, known as the «Pioneers.»
Herbert Hoover, with his chubby face and ruddy complexion, embodied the American success story—an intriguing blend of 19th-century ideals and 20th-century achievements. Raised as an orphan and having worked his way through Stanford, he had absorbed the values of industry, thrift, and self-reliance. Hoover earned a reputation as a «savior,» a man who could rise to the occasion, and was even nicknamed the «Master of Emergencies.» This title, along with his relief efforts in Europe during the First World War and in Mississippi during the devastating 1927 flood, reinforced his image. His campaign film, Master of Emergencies, showed harrowing footage of starving children being fed, reducing theater audiences to tears.
As a brilliant mining engineer and businessman, Hoover became a champion of the efficiency doctrines of the Progressive Era. Yet, despite this remarkable track record, by 1928, he was considered a formidable, albeit stiff, presidential candidate. His demeanor was often described as mechanical, so much so that the Republican Party had to run articles with headlines like, «That Man Hoover—He’s Human.»
Hoover’s public persona was anything but charismatic. He wore plain, almost drab suits, showed little interest in art, music, or fiction, and spoke in a straightforward, monotone voice. His speeches, read with mechanical precision, lacked warmth or emotional appeal. In interviews, he often restricted himself to short, factual answers, leaving the impression that he was like «a machine that has run down,» as one reporter noted.
Despite his lack of personal charm, Hoover’s candidacy reflected the confidence many Americans had in business success. He was a self-made millionaire—«If a man hasn’t made a fortune by age forty, he isn’t worth much,» he famously said—and symbolized the nation’s belief in individual achievement. In his acceptance speech, Hoover proudly noted his Quaker ancestry and declared, «By blood and conviction, I stand for religious toleration in both act and spirit.»
Hoover’s Quaker background and self-reliant ideals also shaped his approach to governance. He selected a cabinet that reflected his status as the «first millionaire to reach the White House,» with six of his top ten posts filled by fellow millionaires. His administration offered a sense of continuity with the pro-business policies of Presidents Harding and Coolidge, policies that had already enriched bankers and brokers.
In the first six months of Hoover’s presidency, the stock market boomed. The United States appeared impervious to economic calamity. The bankers were happy with Hoover. However, on October 29, 1929, «Black Tuesday,» the market crashed. After a week of instability, sixteen million shares were traded, and the industrial index dropped 43 points—nearly 10 percent of its value. The previous year’s gains were wiped out, and many stocks became worthless. But the worst was yet to come.
As the nation plunged into the Great Depression, Hoover’s response was slow and ineffective. He had coined the term «Depression» in late 1929, believing it to be more soothing than « »panic»—the term stuck. Initially, Hoover did little more than wait for a recovery, trying to reassure the public that the crisis was temporary. His political philosophy, shaped by Quaker principles of «ordered liberty» and «corporate individualism,» led him to believe that Americans would respond generously to appeals for voluntary aid. He opposed direct government relief, fearing that the nation would be «plunged into socialism and collectivism.»
The nation’s economic situation worsened dramatically. Between 1930 and 1933, over 9,000 American banks either failed or shut down to avoid bankruptcy. By 1932, a quarter of the workforce was unemployed, industrial production had plummeted by more than 50%, and millions were homeless. Many argue that the situation was even worse, as hunger and disease ravaged the nation. In cities, long lines formed at food kitchens, and children were left to starve.
As the unemployed and homeless gathered in makeshift communities, these «Hoovervilles» became symbols of his failure to address the crisis. The homeless used old newspapers as blankets, which became derisively known as «Hoover blankets.» «Hoover hogs,» a term for the armadillos people ate out of desperation, also emerged. Hoover became the butt of jokes, and at the 1931 World Series, he was booed by the crowd.
Despite the deepening crisis, Hoover insisted that «nobody is actually starving,» and dismissed the severity of the suffering. His administration’s response to the Depression, heavily influenced by his Quaker beliefs, was grounded in the idea that individuals, not the government, should provide charity.
By 1932, the situation had reached its worst. A third of American farmers lost their land, and the Great Plains, devastated by drought, became the infamous «Dust Bowl.» As the land turned to dust, families fled, many heading to California in search of work, only to find more hardship.
The economic devastation caused by the Great Depression also contributed to the rise of extremist movements in Europe, notably the Nazi Party in Germany. Hoover initially underestimated the threat posed by Adolf Hitler, believing that the Nazis would have limited appeal outside Eastern Europe. He saw the Soviet Union as the greater danger.
In March 1938, Hoover met Adolf Hitler for a brief, 40-minute meeting at the Reich Chancellery in Berlin. Hoover, having left office five years earlier, was on a European tour celebrating the 20th anniversary of World War I’s end. The meeting was a diplomatic courtesy extended by the German government, as Hoover made a brief stop in Germany on his way to Poland.
Dwight David Eisenhower (1953-1961)
Dwight David «Ike» Eisenhower, the second U.S. president of German heritage, descended from ancestors from the Electoral Palatinate and the Saarland-Lorraine region of Germany. The Eisenhower surname, which is of German origin, means «iron miner» and evolved over generations, being anglicized as the family assimilated into American society.
On his father’s side, Eisenhower’s family tree can be traced back to Hans Peter Eisenhauer, born around 1650 in Heiligkreuzsteinach-Eiterbach, Germany. He married Anna Catharina Mildenberger in 1677 and died on February 28, 1729, in Großrosseln-Karlsbrunn, near the Saar River. His grandson, Johann Peter Eisenhauer, born in Forbach, Lorraine, in 1717, emigrated to Pennsylvania around 1760, settling in what was then the most German state in America. The Eisenhower family eventually moved to Kansas in the 1880s and later to Texas, where Dwight Eisenhower was born in 1890.
Eisenhower was commander-in-chief of the US armed forces in Europe at the end of the Second World War. As the city of Heidelberg was one of the few German cities not to be bombed during the war, the rumor arose that this was perhaps due to the Eisenhauers’ origins in the southern Odenwald, an area that at the time belonged to the Electoral Palatinate and was administered from Heidelberg. After the war, Eisenhower transitioned into academia, becoming president of Columbia University. He returned to the world stage in 1950, when he became Supreme Commander of NATO.
Despite his high-profile career, Eisenhower led a life that, by modern standards, was relatively sheltered and detached from the everyday concerns of ordinary Americans. He had spent much of his adult life surrounded by a staff that catered to nearly every need. Eisenhower did not drive a car, never had to worry about finding a parking space, and didn’t even know how to use a dial telephone. Yet, he exuded a down-to-earth, approachable charm that resonated with the public, making him one of the most relatable figures in American politics.
His most famous campaign slogan, «I Like Ike,» perfectly encapsulated his image as a reliable, trustworthy leader. He had already earned the title of America’s most beloved figure, as evidenced by the ubiquitous «I Like Ike» buttons that dotted the nation. Eisenhower, a committed cold warrior, left the rough-and-tumble campaigning to his running mate, Richard M. Nixon, a young and combative senator from California. Nixon took the gloves off, attacking their opponents for alleged corruption, for «caving in» on Korea, and for being soft on communism.
Nixon himself faltered late in the campaign amid accusations that he had accepted illegal donations. Responding with a self-pitying live address on television, Nixon denied the charges and solemnly declared that the only campaign gift he had ever received was the family cocker spaniel, Checkers. The shameless and mawkish Checkers Speech saved Nixon’s spot on the ticket.
The 1950s are often seen as conformist, uncreative and restrictive. Eisenhower himself led a very private, «aloof» life. Few knew, for example, that his valet John Moaney, a black sergeant who had served with Eisenhower in World War II, dressed him every day and pulled up his underwear every morning—at a time when homosexuals faced widespread discrimination, legal persecution and social stigmatization. Moaney was his closest companion and served him until his death in 1969.
On May 27, 1953, Eisenhower issued Executive Order 10450, which barred individuals who engaged in «sexual perversions»—which at the time also meant gays and lesbians—from federal employment. Within a few years, similar restrictions were enacted by state and local governments. Thousands of gay and lesbian civil servants lost their careers. Some committed suicide. These discriminatory practices continued into the 1970s and persisted in some areas of government well into the 21st century.
Eisenhower was never reluctant to accept gifts. As president, he did not accept cash, but he did take gifts worth 300,000 dollars for the farm in Gettysburg, including prize cattle, a tractor and a putting green. The house was furnished almost entirely with gifts, as observed by friend Ellis «Slats» Slater when Mamie gave him and his wife a tour. Eisenhower expected and even sought out special treatment. His extensive wardrobe was largely custom-made, with most suits gifted to him by New York manufacturers; he seldom wore a suit more than twice. He used White House servants at Gettysburg, and the White House discreetly accepted confiscated liquor from the General Services Administration, a government supply bureau. Even when shopping for a gift for his wife, Mamie, Eisenhower received VIP treatment at Tiffany’s, where William Hoving, the chairman of the company, personally assisted him.
Eisenhower’s family had ties to religious sects such as the Jehovah’s Witnesses and the River Brethren, a small Mennonite sect. For much of his life, Eisenhower had no formal church affiliation, though the 1950s saw a resurgence of religious language in American politics. In 1955, Eisenhower signed a bill placing «In God We Trust» on all U.S. currency, and the following year, it was adopted as the official national motto.
Eisenhower’s use of nuclear threats as a diplomatic tool was also a hallmark of his presidency. During the Taiwan Strait crisis in 1954-1955, he openly declared that nuclear weapons could be used in the event of war with China. He even considered using nuclear coercion to end the Korean War in 1958, though he ultimately chose not to pursue that path.
Eisenhower’s reliance on the CIA for political intervention was unprecedented in the postwar period, surpassing even that of Ronald Reagan in later years. The Eisenhower administration authorized covert operations in a variety of countries, including Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Indonesia, Tibet, China, and the Congo. None succeeded. The president authorized CIA tactics that included bribes, subversion, and even assassination attempts, while maintaining plausible deniability. Eisenhower’s administration oversaw significant CIA operations, including the overthrow of Iran’s Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadegh in 1953 and the toppling of Guatemala’s President Jacobo Arbenz Guzman in 1954. While Eisenhower spoke eloquently of helping allies, bankers saw dollar signs emanating from South America and the Middle East.
Perhaps one of Eisenhower’s most prescient actions as president was his warning about the «military-industrial complex» in his farewell address on January 17, 1961. Speechwriter Malcolm Moos coined the term, which described the dangerous alliance between the military, industry, and Congress, a relationship that could, Eisenhower feared, distort national priorities and jeopardize American democracy.
Donald John Trump (2017-2021)
Machiavelli believed that a leader would always find an audience for his lies: «Men are so simple and so much inclined to obey immediate needs that a deceiver will never lack victims for his deceptions.» Many so-called «great» leaders are simply masters of self-promotion, taking credit for the work of others while their supposed brilliance is often little more than a carefully crafted illusion, sustained by teams of PR professionals and loyal subordinates.
This phenomenon, the cult of personality, revolves around worshiping a polished image rather than the flawed human being behind it. It allows mediocre, and sometimes even malevolent, individuals to ascend to positions of power and influence they may not deserve. One such figure is Donald J. Trump. A billionaire with a history of making racist remarks, failing to pay workers, and outsourcing manufacturing jobs, Trump also claims German ancestry.
The 45th and 47th President of the United States once asserted that his family hailed from Karlstad in Sweden. In reality, however, his roots trace back to Kallstadt, a small village near Bad Dürkheim, Germany. The earliest documented ancestor of the Trump family in Kallstadt is the lawyer Hanns Drumpf, who is noted as being part of the community as early as 1608.
Trump’s grandfather, Friedrich Trump (1868–1918), was just 16 when he left Kallstadt in 1885, hoping to build a better life in the United States. His journey would eventually lead to the creation of a family dynasty that laid the foundation for Donald Trump’s rise to fame.
In the mid-19th century, over 100,000 emigrants from German-speaking regions were arriving in the U.S. every year, seeking new opportunities. Friedrich Trump’s story mirrored the American Dream—he started out as a hairdresser in New York, before moving west to open a hotel and a restaurant for gold miners in the Yukon. Some accounts even suggest it was a brothel. Later, he ventured into the gold trade, accumulated property, and established the wealth that would form the basis of the Trump family fortune.
As a prosperous man, Friedrich Trump married Elisabeth Christ, a woman from his hometown. However, she never adapted to life in the U.S. and longed to return to Germany. In 1905, the couple moved back to Kallstadt. But upon their return, Friedrich’s bid to reclaim his Bavarian citizenship was denied. A document from the Bavarian State Archives in Speyer confirms this: Friedrich’s citizenship had been revoked due to his failure to complete mandatory military service, a requirement of Bavaria at the time.
Although he had deposited his life savings—around half a million U.S. dollars—into a German bank, Friedrich Trump was effectively deported back to the U.S. in 1905. Three months later, his son Fred (the future father of Donald Trump), was born in New York. Elisabeth Christ Trump remained homesick throughout her life, speaking only German until her death in 1966. Donald Trump’s mother, Mary MacLeod Trump, was born in the Outer Hebrides of Scotland into a Gaelic-speaking family. In 1930, she joined her sisters who had already emigrated to New York.
Interestingly, Kallstadt produced another notable emigrant: the Heinz family, who built a multi-billion-dollar business empire with their famous ketchup, also traces its origins to this small Palatinate village.
Trump has meticulously crafted his personal brand over several decades, first as a real estate mogul and reality TV personality, and later as a politician. By leveraging his celebrity status and reputation as a successful businessman, he was able to create a distinct and powerful political brand. Trump has shown a remarkable ability to dominate media attention, using controversial remarks, unpredictable behavior, and a shrewd mastery of social media. His relentless media presence has allowed him to control the news cycle, keeping his brand perpetually in the public eye.
But how did it come to pass that a vulgar, bombastic, thrice-married real estate tycoon and reality TV star could evolve into a figure embraced as a prophet, moral philosopher, style icon, and the ultimate celebrity embodiment of the era’s cultural zeitgeist?
The landscape of contemporary American life is marked by contradictions, where technology, consumerism, and individual rights coexist with deep-rooted issues of health, inequality, and disillusionment.
The U.S. finds itself in a crisis of mental health and addiction. With nearly one in six adults taking psychiatric drugs, depression affecting millions, and drug overdose deaths surpassing 100,000 annually, the country is facing an epidemic of despair. The opioid crisis, coupled with the staggering number of suicides, highlights the extent of this national mental health emergency. Add to this the growing epidemic of binge drinking and the mental toll of modern life, and it paints a grim picture of a society where mental well-being is in sharp decline.
Physically, Americans are battling obesity, eating disorders, and a growing obsession with cosmetic surgery. With the obesity rate projected to exceed 42% by 2025, and millions turning to plastic surgery to conform to societal ideals, the pressure to attain a certain physical image is palpable. The nation’s fixation on body image and self-worth, amplified by social media and consumer culture, points to an underlying discontent with one’s natural self.
The American fixation on consumerism is staggering. From the millions seeking instant gratification through compulsive buying and pornography consumption to the average American checking their cellphone 144 times a day, addiction to material goods and virtual experiences is pervasive. The rise of consumer addiction, fueled by the excesses of modern capitalism, feeds into an overall culture of distraction, where people seek solace in consumption rather than addressing the root causes of their dissatisfaction.
A disturbing trend is the decline of the traditional family structure, with millions of children growing up without fathers, and high divorce rates signaling the erosion of stable family units. This breakdown in family cohesion has far-reaching consequences, with children from single-parent households more likely to struggle with mental health issues, substance abuse, and even suicide. The increasing number of children facing maltreatment further highlights the collapse of foundational social structures.
The gun culture in America, driven by an overwhelming number of firearms in civilian hands, underscores a nation increasingly defined by violence. With nearly 45,000 gun-related deaths annually and an unparalleled gun ownership rate, the U.S. is locked in a cycle of fear, violence, and tragedy. This is compounded by the country’s obsession with punishment, as evidenced by its world-leading incarceration rates. With 1.8 million people behind bars and millions more on parole or probation, the U.S. has created an unprecedented prison system, where the line between justice and oppression often blurs.
The stark reality of a two-tiered justice system, where wealth and power dictate outcomes, erodes public trust and further entrenches social divisions. This growing disparity between the powerful and the powerless is a central theme of the American experience today.
The U.S. is also facing demographic decline, with its birthrate falling below the replacement level, signaling a nation unsure of its future and unable or unwilling to sustain its population. At the same time, environmental degradation continues unabated, as Americans lead the world in pollution, food waste, and trash production. The nation’s insatiable appetite for resources, fueled by consumerism and unchecked growth, continues to place an unsustainable burden on the planet.
In this cultural landscape, figures like Trump embody the merging of celebrity culture, political power, and the desire for instant gratification. Through mastery of social media and media manipulation, he has built a political brand that taps into the anxieties and disillusionments of the American public. His rise symbolizes the extent to which the American zeitgeist is shaped by image, spectacle, and the cult of personality rather than substance, reason, or true leadership.
This situation is not entirely Trump’s fault, though he failed to take meaningful action to address it during his first term. Most people will likely see little improvement during his second term either. He is unlikely to tackle these issues, as they serve his interests. Moreover, with the support of the digital oligarchs who are celebrating his resurgence, this culture stands to be exported globally.
One thing you have to give Donald Trump credit for: he has no illusions about American Exceptionalism. Shortly after snatching what seemed like an inevitable victory from Hillary Clinton, he sat for an interview where he was asked to explain his favorable stance toward Russian leader Vladimir Putin. «He’s a killer,» the interviewer said. «There are a lot of killers,» Trump responded. «You think our country’s so innocent?»